By Joshua D. Freilich
Freilich makes an attempt to figure out why a few states have larger degrees of armed forces job than others. targeting the years 1994-1995, he unearths that cultural factors—not monetary conditions--are relating to degrees of defense force comparable job. particularly, states with reduce degrees of woman empowerment and better degrees of paramilitary tradition have been prone to have extra defense force teams. Conversely, neither monetary dislocation/social disorganization nor monetary prosperity/social integration have been concerning the variety of military teams at the kingdom point. those findings recommend that courses looking to preempt military formation via delivering monetary help will now not prevail. in its place, such courses needs to confront cultural matters to boot.
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Extra info for American Militias: State-Level Variations in Militia Activities (Criminal Justice (Lfb Scholarly Publishing Llc).)
Furthermore, it was emphasized that the examination of culture should take into account the unique context of each movement (Dobratz and Shanks-Meile 1997; Eyerman and Jamison 1991; Mahan 1997; Pichardo 1998). The new social movement approach states that all societies are characterized by a single overriding conflict which determines what type of social movement will arise in that society. It is contended that contemporary social movements operate in a post-industrial age which, unlike earlier ages, is able to satisfy most peoples’ economic needs.
People become suspicious of that which they cannot see’” (Karl 1995: 45; see also Bennett 1995; Churchill 2001; Dammann 1994; Dees and Corcoran 1996; Downes and Foster 1994; Hamilton 1996; Hawkins 1994; Karl 1995; McQuaid 1995; Schneider 1994; Seul 1997; Stern 1996). During the latter half of 1994 and the beginning of 1995 the group continued with its public activities. The militia organized itself into a military style entity with a centralized officer based command and “uniformed brigades of citizen soldiers” (Karl 1995: 51).
As Southwell and Olson anticipated, the ensuing publicity and controversy resulted in a group expansion encompassing several of Michigan’s eighty-three counties (Hawkins 1994). Bennett (1995) writes that “within six months of its founding... organizers claimed that ‘brigades’ had formed in sixty-three of the state’s eighty-three counties” (456). McQuaid (1995) adds that the Michigan Militia was organized into “four divisions, each corresponding to a division of the state... each county has a corresponding brigade...